Manual Welfare: The Black Womans Curse

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You have unfair healthcare system in your country. But do not feel bad. Now a days in USA, that is not given anymore. They deny healthcare insurance policies from people who have had them for decades, includin cancer patients and the elderly. Way to go! Only about 6. Most people who receive it are NOT black. The average black woman has 2. So, yes, what decoct is describing is a stereotype, a piece of left-over Reaganite propaganda. So much so that I think it is more likely decoct is a troll than a commenter making an honest observation.

But even if decoct is being truthful, it is not a common thing in most of the country, not even among blacks. I surely hope so, because it was a bit too much when they started to deny these insurances from the sick. I said take out Social Security, the Military, and such bc most people who solely focus on the Welfare Queen stereotype do not care as much about those programs.

Give to the old, but fuck the poor and black. As long as poor ppl and blks are not in their pockets, they are good. Ten percent of the national welfare caseload is in L. Yes, it did pass maybe a year or two ago. However, when the Democrats lost their Senate seat in Massachusetts to Republican Scott Brown—a seat formerly held by Robert Kennedy— the Democrats lost the seat philibuster-proof Senate and they quickly did some kind of complicated political maneuver that got the bill passed.

The statistics are distorted. I worked in a State office, I know how the sad game is played. Hispanic guys who look like this:. Arab women who look like this:. MeAgain is right. For Middle Easterners to count as white they have to do something whites would want to claim credit for, like build a pyramid or become a messiah. Applying for welfare is not on that level. To my eyes some Middle Eastern people appear White and some appear mixed and some appear Black. North Africans and Yemenis tend to have a darker completion whereas Lebanese, Syrian, and Iranian immigrants tend to have a lighter completion.

There are of course multiple exceptions. The Middle Eastern population has done pretty well in the US unlike parts of Europe… likely because the United States has filters for education from many of the immigrants of Middle Eastern origin. Really I consider the Middle Eastern population as a non issue when looking at this data because they represent a fairly small segment of the population in the US. Looking at the numbers for Hispanics, I would say it is a non issue.

They look correct to me. Asians opting as White…? South and East Asians.. Octomon notwithstanding. Shavondaa second agoIn there were ,, people in the United States, Blacks make up about The fact is that more blacks work to care care of their families than those who do not. Yes, lies, lies and more lies to get the job done….

But, yeah, lies are used to brainwash the gullible sheep very often…. I see this on a daily basis. Oh, I just looked up predator, parasite and host….. Also, the welfare queen stereotype is not solely for black Americans or black people, in general.

Police Are Looking For A ‘Young White Woman’ Who Screamed ‘F**k You!’ At Trump

What is the good in interfering if you are not going to offer any positive help, but actually be a hinderance? I tryed to find a picture of her because they never showed what she looked like…I could only find one picture of her and she is a white woman!

Vanee sykes is a real life welfar queen lol! CBS points out that only nine percent of Iowans on food stamps are black —and 84 percent are white. Nationally, 39 percent of welfare recipients are white, 37 percent are black, and 17 percent are Hispanic. Of that And of that The government bailed out the banks and the car industry in and What I want to know is why do black women who have no job and no way to care for a child, keep having children?

Yes I hate this stereotype with passion. People still believe that stupid lie. A lot of these people who are barely above the poverty line people who are drawing food stamps themselves while being the working poor. Holy hell. Most want to raise their kids properly and do a damn good job. Children in poverty is sad. This mentality is harmful definitely for women of color but also harms all women. The women that believe this stereotype shoot themselves in the foot by voting by this belief.

Its a horrible racist and sexiest stereotype. However from what I see the stereotype is evolving to include all forms of government aid not only welfare per se. Happiness that is an excellent point about the dole system. I hate this stereotype so much. I am not on welfare yet people especially Whites assume that I am on welfare because of my ethnicity and race. I am sick of this stereotype and I know more Whites on welfare than Blacks and Latinos. I found this link and video from UC Berkeley very interesting.

It recasts the actual welfare queen recipient as large corporates, not the stereotyped poor fat mother. Blacks make up I bet if you did research instead of being spoonfed information you might actually have a clue every now and then. Why is it that when some black women come into the offices they act as if they are 3 years old?

Yelling at the receptionist and always in a hurry? The security guards in the offices are no better than the clients. Playing on cellphones and sitting in cubby holes. Some of the guards are no more than glorified aid recipients. I wish they would end welfare at least food stamps.

All they do is talk. Welfare is a joke. Abagond: Are you seeing all those ratchet stereotypes by this Lisa Johnson? Some whites who reside in the hood are just as ratchet. I think maybe Lisa should check out the welfare offices around here. The whites welfare conduct would shut her mouth real quick or she will just overlook it one. If there are more whites on welfare? Its because there Are more white people simple.. It is not that simple and it is simply an excuse.

Being more does not explain why so many are on it now does it? On the flip side In a recent jail report several whites were arrested for food stamp fraud. A story some years back was of a white couple living in a multi-million dollar beach home while getting government assistance. Bill does that for us. Words and their meaning. That middle-class outlook, combined with post-Moynihan mendacity about the growing disconnect between ghetto childbearing and marriage, led the policy elites to frame what was really the broad cultural problem of separate and unequal families as a simple lack-of-reproductive-services problem.

They did not follow the middle-class life script that read: protracted adolescence, college, first job, marriage—and only then children. At any rate, failing to define the problem accurately, advocates were in no position to find the solution. Teen pregnancy not only failed to go down, despite all the public attention, the tens of millions of dollars, and the birth control pills that were thrown its way.

It went up —peaking in at pregnancies per 1, teenage girls, up from per 1, in , when the Guttmacher report was published. About 80 percent of those young girls who became mothers were single, and the vast majority would be poor. Throughout the s, the inner city—and the black family—continued to unravel. Child poverty stayed close to 20 percent, hitting a high of Welfare dependency continued to rise, soaring from 2 million families in to 5 million by By , 65 percent of all black children were being born to unmarried women.

In ghetto communities like Central Harlem, the number was closer to 80 percent. By this point, no one doubted that most of these children were destined to grow up poor and to pass down the legacy of single parenting to their own children. T he only good news was that the bad news was so unrelentingly bad that the usual bromides and evasions could no longer hold. Something had to shake up what amounted to an ideological paralysis, and that something came from conservatives. Three thinkers in particular—Charles Murray, Lawrence Mead, and Thomas Sowell—though they did not always write directly about the black family, effectively changed the conversation about it.

First, they did not flinch from blunt language in describing the wreckage of the inner city, unafraid of the accusations of racism and victim blaming that came their way. And third, they believed that the poor would have to change their behavior instead of waiting for Washington to end poverty, as liberals seemed to be saying.

By the early s the media also had woken up to the ruins of the ghetto family and brought about the return of the repressed Moynihan report. For the most part, liberals were having none of it. The first was William Julius Wilson. After all, poor single mothers were only adapting to economic conditions. How could they do otherwise? T he research of another social scientist, Sara McLanahan, was not so easily rationalized, however.

But when she surveyed the science available on the subject, she realized that the research was so sparse that no one knew for sure how the children of single mothers were faring. Over the next decade, McLanahan analyzed whatever numbers she could find, and discovered—lo and behold—that children in single-parent homes were not doing as well as children from two-parent homes on a wide variety of measures, from income to school performance to teen pregnancy.

It was a turning point. One by one, the top family researchers gradually came around, concluding that McLanahan—and perhaps even Moynihan—was right. In fact, by the early s, when the ghetto was at its nadir, public opinion had clearly turned. No one was more attuned to this shift than triangulator Bill Clinton, who made the family a centerpiece of his domestic policy.

S o, have we reached the end of the Moynihan report saga? That would be vastly overstating matters. Remember: 70 percent of black children are still born to unmarried mother s. After all that ghetto dwellers have been through, why are so many people still unwilling to call this the calamity it is? And then there is the American penchant for to-each-his-own libertarianism.

If only they were willing to admit it to their fellow citizens. All told, the nation is at a cultural inflection point that portends change. There are even raw numbers to support the case for optimism: teen pregnancy, which finally started to decline in the mid-nineties in response to a crisper, teen-pregnancy-is-a-bad-idea cultural message, is now at its lowest rate ever. Yes, better late than never; but you could forgive lost generations of ghetto men, women, and children if they found it cold comfort.

Send a question or comment using the form below. This message may be routed through support staff. More detailed message would go here to provide context for the user and how to proceed. City Journal search. City Journal is a publication of Manhattan Institute. Search search. Experts Hea ther Mac Donald. Topics Hea lth Care. Close Nav Search Close Search search. Look at the youth of Zambia. When we were youths, we had deposed the one-party state system and Kaunda, because we wanted democracy in our country.

We also wanted freedom of speech, freedom of movement and assembly, etc. It is noteworthy that most of us were young revolutionaries who had demanded for change in our country and who did not take bribes from politicians or powerful elites, so that they could propel their agendas. I must also emphasise the point that democracy was not easy to attain in Zambia - it came at a high price. It will take many years before a new breed of youths emerges that will be able to muster the courage and determination of my generation. After winning our democracy, through a concerted and hard struggle, the current crop of youths have just wasted what we had had fought for in and partially attained in He has not bothered to look at competent and young Zambians, who are not from his ethnic group, in spite of the fact that he was voted by the vast majority of youths.

This group of mostly old men is bent on promoting outmoded solutions to complex and modern realities. This is the independence generation which brought Zambia to its knees and they are the ones who continuously let Zambians down, decade after decade. The one-party state disorder still persists today because many of the present key political actors are the same old men who had propped up the one-party state dictatorship. Their actions had not only cultivated intolerance, but had closed off all options for dissent.

Or chant in the following manner: KK wamuyaya! KK wamuyaya! Then Kaunda would rise onto podium and shout: One Zambia! And the people would respond: One Nation! One Zambia! Kaunda would shout again and the people would once more respond: One Nation! Then a party leader would provide a rejoinder in this way: One Nation?

The people would answer: One Leader! The UNIP party official would further shout out the slogan in the form of a question: And that leader? The people would then respond accordingly: Dr. Kaunda, no change, wamuyaya, lesa a pale. Lesa a pale means God bless in Bemba. As the years went on, the slogans also grew longer and weirder. We the youth, at the time, had grown so tired of this charade and a nonsensical type of living. They had effectively been voted into power via false pretences.

I can also unequivocally state here that the PF and Michael Sata are merely cashing in on the hard work of Mwanawasa and his prudent governance; otherwise there would not be any country to speak of. Equally, Rupiah Banda had also benefited from the solid and good work of Mwanawasa. But as we shall see with the case of Barotseland, Zambian politicians have relied upon lies, fraud and intimidation to access power and to stay in power. Even an intelligent grade 6 pupil, who is well versed in Social Studies, and follows current affairs, would have disputed such false claims.

Unfortunately, such individuals create a lot of stumbling blocks for hard-working and enterprising Zambians. Many of these free-loaders are found in the urban shanty towns and constitute the bulk of the rank and file of different political parties in the country. They are also the majority who vote. That is why Zambian politics continues to be of hunger related issues and personified by instant gratification, and not about ideas.

I have said this at different fora and I am not afraid to state it again. Zambia is in a mess because, among other things, a significant number of people simply do not want to work. There is a lot of idleness in Zambia. Thus, in family settings, groups and at the community level, such lazy people continue to suffocate industrious Zambians. These Zambians think that a saviour will come and remove them from their misery. Chiluba and his bandwagon had forgotten that within Christianity there is also the Protestant work ethic, which they could have preached to the people.

They leave behind lush vegetation and fertile land, with abundant water systems, and flock to the urban concrete jungles where there is nothing to do and nowhere to grow food. Unfortunately, they come from areas where there is an ingrained culture of non- productivity. This can be explained as an inability to utilise money that has been sent to them by relatives or friends in the Diaspora. Many tales I have heard all end up the same way. There are very few success stories, where Zambians at home had used the money wisely and engaged in business ventures. This culture of impunity and consumption is a strong indicator of laziness.

It just shows that some people in the country do not appreciate how those who went abroad in search of better opportunities suffered to make their money. For example, a person in the Diaspora may have two to three jobs, slaving away in a usually hostile or even racist environment, so that he or she can make enough money to send to his or her relatives etc. These people may deny themselves basics, in order to send money back home so that things can be improved. But the photographs would have been of the works of those Zambians who are hardworking and honest. This is extremely sad, especially for those who spend decades without coming home to verify that indeed, such ventures actually existed.

The story always ends with the person from the Diaspora coming home and finding nothing has been done and that the family members, relatives or so-called friends have gone to ground. In the end, how does one even report such people to the police? Even at his inauguration ceremony, Sata still reiterated his ninety-day pledge. I am aware of the fact that in Zambia, when someone refuses to follow a narrow vision and is critical of the government, he or she is usually labelled all sorts of names.

This is mostly done by Zambians who have nothing to offer to the country and who are actually failures in every respect, but have the audacity and are given coverage by the media to vilify upstanding Zambians, who want to better the country. Well I want to put it on record that it is my generation that brought about multi-party democracy in Zambia and not these old men who were propping up the one-party state and who are now mortgaging the future of many Zambians. I also want to put it on record that when it seemed that all progressive forces had been subdued and when the rest of the country was cowering from Kaunda and his security forces, my generation rose up to the occasion and fought for regime change - effectively forcing Kenneth Kaunda and the UNIP government to the negotiation table.

Then the MMD and other civil society formations were able to take it from there. If we had not done what we had done and sacrificed ourselves in the process, change might have taken place even after a decade or two. Critically, I was on the frontline and had put my life in danger for the democratisation of my country. I would like to categorically state that many of these people are simply liars. The initial food riots of were just what they were: food riots and they had been confined to the Copperbelt region of Zambia. For the first time, the students of UNZA demanded regime change.

On 27th June a day before my birthday I was detained together with thirty other students - one of them was my immediate elder brother. Our detention was specifically executed under the oppressive Preservation of Public Security Act, which enabled the security forces to detain Zambians for a period of ninety-days without any formal charges being laid by the state. The right to Habeas Corpus would only come into effect after the ninety-days. Therefore, the Preservation of Public Security Act was a vital deterrent to any would be champion of freedom and democracy. I was a young man of 21 years when these events took place and I turned 22 years in detention.

Most of my colleagues were also in their twenties and our years of study ranged from second to fourth year. We were a mixed group in regard to the disciplines of study, but one commonality was that the majority of us were children of mostly civil servants and officials of parastatal organisations, or those who had retired from the former. We were firstly detained at the notorious Chamba Valley Prison which was reserved for coup plotters.

At the time of our detention, the late General Christon Tembo and other alleged coup plotters of were also detained at the same facility, though we were never brought into contact. However, the students had seized the moment to agitate for political change and sound the call for the return to multi-party politics and a pluralistic society. Arriving on an open truck at the Lusaka International Airport, after most students had travelled on hired buses, a group of mostly militant students, singing solidarity songs, were allowed onto the runway by the then District Governor of Lusaka, Rupiah Banda.

I was part of this group. After chanting solidarity slogans in favour of Mandela, the ANC and the frontline states, we also sneaked in anti-one-party state slogans. Later I was reliably informed by a childhood friend, whose father was a very senior intelligence officer, that a good number of us were captured on surveillance cameras.

However, Mandela was forthright in his address to the student body. Out of respect, we kept quiet with few murmurings from the crowd. But when his wife came on the stage, the atmosphere was electric. When Winnie told us to fight against injustices in our society, we had equally responded with gusto with shouts of viva Winnie, viva! Little did we know that these actions would also come back to haunt some of us during our detention. Things came to a head in the month of June as explained before, when we decided to march to State House to petition the president and express our displeasure in regard to the high cost of living, as well as the need to reform the political system.

We felt emboldened because around the world, the iron curtain was crumbling; apartheid was falling and we thus asked ourselves the question: why should we allow an autocratic government to continue ruling our country? During those times at the university there was no key leader, but an amorphous crowd with a couple of brave hearts stepping to the fore to present an inspiring speech to the student collective. We concluded that the next day we were going to the root of the problem: State House.

We obliged and changed tact. In fact this route was shorter and more importantly it threw the security forces that were already waiting at a junction of Great East Road off-balance. This is where they always managed to cordon the students off and shepherd them back into campus year after year. As we went through the shanty town, we were joined by the masses after they heard that we were protesting against the high price of mealie-meal.

Some criminal elements who had wanted to loot the local shops were severely reprimanded by the students and chased away from the procession. At this point, the demonstration was peaceful. The scene was almost Rambo-like as the police paramilitaries, with leaves in their helmets, were wielding Kalashinkovs or AK assault rifles, whilst others wielded Rocket Propelled Grenades RPGs. I wondered to myself why there was such heavy weaponry in response to a mere student procession.

We were ordered to disperse in five minutes and before we knew what was happening teargas was fired on us and immediately, we were fired upon with live ammunition. They responded in their usual brutal style and charged at us. So this tremendously helped us to quickly mobilise the poor, marginalised and disaffected communities of Lusaka. However, what happened as we ran from the onslaught of the paramilitary forces was very interesting and I still marvel at this incident twenty one years later. In those days there were no cell phones or social media networks such as facebook or twitter.

We had to think and strategize on our feet so to speak. Without cue and without prior strategy, we mobilised the masses mainly the youth in the shanty towns as we escaped from the paramilitary forces. At this juncture we knew that the die had been cast and there was no turning back. We had to meet fire with fire so to speak. The township then erupted after this. Other students spread to the townships of Kaunda Square, Chianama and nearby Munali. All these activities had transpired from hrs to noon. All around the city one could hear gun-shots ringing out and sadly, at this time, human life had been lost.

The paramilitary police were quite a trigger happy bunch. Strangely, many of us had not even known that the president had gone on a working holiday to the Mfuwe resort in the Eastern Province.

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After several speeches we resolved to press on and agitate for change and the next day we were back in the fray. By the third day, most of Zambia was in flames with the Copperbelt and other towns which were not even on the line of rail, for example, Kaoma, having joined the uprising.

More lives were lost and Kaunda cut short his working holiday and flew back to Lusaka. After almost one week, the uprising was crushed, with close to thirty people confirmed dead. The University of Zambia was closed down. This was also where the looters and other criminal elements were held as it was a makeshift detention centre.

I remember that I was picked up at hrs in the morning, and strangely I was already awake and dressed I do not know whether it was a premonition or divine guidance. I was picked up by four paramilitary officers armed with AK assault rifles and the one in the lead was a senior officer, probably a Superintendent.

He was armed with a standard military handgun, but it was in its holster. They had all my personal details: student number, room number and year of study on a print-out from the Dean of Students. I then knew that they had done their homework and I was in trouble. I was told to leave everything behind - my clothes and toiletries. We were then driven to Edwin Imbeola stadium. I must admit that I felt relieved when another group of students was also brought to the stadium hours later. I was comforted with the thought that at least it was not just the two of us.

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However, I would immediately be saddened when my brother arrived with another batch of students. We waited the whole morning for some kind of explanation. The officer did indeed reach for his pistol. So we kept quiet and kept on throwing knowing glances at each other. It was only around hrs that we were given our detention orders and signed for them. Again there was no choice in this matter because if one refused there was the risk of being beaten with a rifle butt. We had not eaten anything the whole day.

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It was only late in the evening that we were given food at Chamba Valley. Some of us did not eat as we had either lost appetite or were afraid of being poisoned. Together we were thirty-one students who were detained and there was only one female detainee in this group. She was released a week later on compassionate reasons to the relief of all of us male students. The other student I have not counted was a traitor and I will return to this issue soon. In true one-party state style, our parents and guardians were never informed of our whereabouts for one week.

My parents as well as the parents or guardians of my comrades17 were extremely distressed. What became apparent during interrogations was that Kaunda and his entire security system had not believed that the students had acted alone. Frankly, the majority of Zambians were just cowards. That is why Kaunda stayed in power for so long. After interrogations at Chamba Valley we were then distributed to different prisons or detention centres across the country.

Before leaving this prison something interesting happened. In typical tyrannical regime style, there was actually a student who was an informer amongst us. We had suspected that this individual was part of the Special Branch apparatus, but upon discovering that he was also detained with us, we naively all dropped our guard. Innocently, a good number of students had shared their interrogation sessions with the collective, whilst others chipped in. In this troubled atmosphere, many students opened up and cited their roles in the riots or the mobilisation of either the student body or the masses.

What transpired was that every time we went for further interrogation, the SBs had additional information which we had not volunteered earlier. We had suspected that our room was bugged so we spoke in codes and our own sign language. For almost two days the whole group was depressed, while others just kept to themselves. It was so demoralising to note that this person had been in our midst and took note of everything we had spoken to each other regarding the revolution. But before we could go to UNZA, we were taken outside the prison to identify our placards.

The general public was amused and would drive closer to read the messages on the placards some of them made from white bed sheets and written with polish. At first it was difficult to make anything in the light as we had not seen any sunshine for over one week. After we could see properly we refused that we had not drawn any of them - besides as some of us complained, we did not know how to draw. I would return to UNZA almost a week and half days later, with other students on a truck, under heavy guard to collect all my books and clothes. Many by- standers scampered when they saw us, whilst students who were going to the library equally ran away at our sight.

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I then knew that we were on our own. After this, the convoy of trucks left for the nearby City Airport whereupon some of us were ordered to board a Zambia Air Force ZAF DHC-5 Buffalo plane the same type of rickety plane which had crashed with the entire Zambian football squad and officials off the coast of Gabon in Another group of students boarded a Zambia Air Force helicopter. The group on the plane was destined for both Mpima prison where I was incarcerated with five other comrades and Mokobeko medium prison in Kabwe.

We arrived in the evening at Mpima prison quite exhausted and hungry. The months of June and July can be pretty chilly in Zambia. These months are part of the cold season and temperatures can plummet to low degrees in the evening and early morning. So we were equally cold. After we were taken to the detention cell, we were told by the prison authorities that they had not been expecting us, as this was a last minute arrangement. There were no blankets or mattresses to sleep on. We had to make due and slept on the concrete floor.

That night, I considered it as one of the most miserable day of my life. However, things at Mpima would get better as the Prison Warders later brought us enough blankets which we used to cover the concrete floor. We were scared of becoming chronically sick whilst in prison. The prison authorities also organised vegetables for us from the prison garden and once a week they brought us meat from the nearby army barracks. There were some officers who were studying via correspondence with overseas colleges.

They would come to our cell for tutorials and we would help out where we could. Life was tolerable at Mpima and the Prison Warders were very humane.

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Mpima prison was a gazetted detention centre and thus we had our separate detention wing from the rest of the prison population, with our own cooking facilities and ablutions. As detainees, we were also allowed to wear our civilian clothes. He immediately assuaged our fears and noted that some of us were the ages of his grandchildren and that he had only a few months before retiring.

We were indeed reassured. Also, most of the Prison Warders were sympathetic to our cause and agreed that we were fighting for a better Zambia. Thus we were accorded some measure of respect due to this. After a while we were allowed visits from our loved ones. My eldest brother came to see me at the prison as my parents were too distraught to do so. Nonetheless, I was more worried about them than of my plight and I felt guilty about putting them under such an unnecessary strain.

My brother then told me that my mother was extremely upset and cried every night. He said that he had never seen her like this before. He informed me that she would cry and ask the question: why has Kaunda imprisoned my babies? He then gave me a Bible from my parents and told me to take courage. He also said that he had visited my brother at Mazabuka prison, about four hundred kilometres or more from Kabwe.

He said that conditions at this prison were terrible and the Prison Warders were extremely hostile. My brother left me with some food and then returned to Lusaka. I was circumspect after the visit and sat by myself that day. After exactly one month and one day, our detention orders were revoked and we were pardoned by Kaunda. At this juncture we were not informed whether we would continue with our studies or not. However, some of us were prepared for the worst because of past events. Upon arrival we met the other group of students that was incarcerated at Mukobeko medium prison in the same town.

We greeted each and spontaneously burst into revolutionary songs. In the process there was commotion in town as many people stood aside and watched the spectacle and wondered who we were. I guess this impromptu reaction was meant to show people that we had not been broken and were not going to be cowed by Kaunda and his oppressive system.

We indeed remained defiant I was already sporting a long beard by this time. We then boarded buses for Lusaka and arrived at the main bus terminus at night. Thus, thankfully none of us ended up with a criminal record, albeit the reasons for our detention were political and nothing else.

After several weeks we were allowed to return to UNZA to continue with our studies.

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We only had a couple of weeks to prepare for the final examinations. Nevertheless, many of us had felt betrayed by fellow students after this ordeal. Kaunda had also pardoned all the alleged coup plotters. The alleged coup plotters of , who had been led by Christon Tembo, were also pardoned. Lastly, all other political detainees, all former students who had been expelled from institutions of higher learning due to political reasons were also pardoned and reinstated, so as to continue with their studies. Also, to be fair, Kaunda did not also know some of the excesses of his regime.

In some instances overzealous party cadres and security officials did things, according to their own misguided notions, in the name of Kaunda. This was clearly evident when Kaunda had announced our release on national television and radio. As we had not had any access to either newspapers or the radio in prison, we had effectively been cut off from the world. So the SBs knew this and had come to take us for interrogations on the day that Kaunda had revoked our detention orders.

However, we had been tipped by the Prison Warders that Kaunda had already announced our release and all the formalities would be completed the next day. So the SBs may have seen this as a window of opportunity to engage in some kind of last hour torture or otherwise. When they came to pick us up, we refused. They could not forcibly remove us from the prison as we were officially under the jurisdiction of the Zambia Prisons Service ZPS and not under some ad hoc intelligence wing.

We were also lucky because the prison authorities did not budge and advanced all sorts of legal arguments to support our stance. I really wonder what would have happened if we had accepted to go with the SBs that day. Upon our release20 we were informed that there had been another attempted military coup21 whilst we were in detention by Lieutenant Mwamba Luchembe - a junior commissioned officer of the Zambian Army.

His was more of a charade than a coup; however, it also sent many Zambians onto the street celebrating as they had wrongly thought that Kaunda had been overthrown. This just shows how other forces had capitalised on our revolution. Luchembe was also pardoned in this blanket amnesty. We also got to hear that another batch of students less than ten had also been arrested from their homes just before we were released.

They were detained at Lusaka prison but were also pardoned by Kaunda. After my release, I decided to throw all my efforts into this drive for multi-party politics as many of the former detainees had also resolved, as well as the majority of the student fraternity. I was part of the group that had chosen the latter route. Some of our colleagues who had favoured the course of throwing the whole student body behind the MMD were rewarded with government and diplomatic posts by Frederick Chiluba when he became president.

Therefore, the young UNZA militants had put their lives on the line when it was not fashionable to be in politics. Nowadays in Zambia, people can say what they want to say or express their political beliefs, without being thrown in jail - albeit not all the time. This was not the case during the one-party state dictatorship of Kaunda. To begin with, the non-implementation of the Barotseland Agreement of by the Zambian government and its continued disregard of this treaty - which had essentially consummated the state known as Zambia - is a serious mistake of fact and international law.

It is also a certainty that Barotseland was already in existence before the entities known as North-Western Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia and Zambia, in that order, came into being. Minahan describes Barotseland accordingly: The Lozi nation comprises 32 tribes of six interrelated cultural groups spread over a large area of south-central Africa.

The Mafwe, Subiya and Mayeye, all subgroups of the Lozis constitute the majority of the population of the Caprivi Strip. Further divided into numerous clan groups, the Lozi are united by their language and unique history. Traditionally Lozi society was organised into a social hierarchy of aristocrats, commoners, and serfs, but urbanisation has weakened the traditional system. The litunga king is revered through the Lozi territories, even though the Lozi nation is divided among Zambia, Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe. The desire for Lozi unity grew throughout the s and into the new century.

What is indisputable is that Barotseland became a British Protectorate in , before Northern Rhodesia came into being in , which later became Zambia in After Barotseland became a British Protectorate, it took another six years for Great Britain to be physically represented in Barotseland.

To that effect, Robert Coryndon was appointed a Resident of Barotseland in - officially setting the stage for British rule in this territory. He was also being opposed by some Barotse22 who felt that he had given the Company cum British Crown much leeway in their land. In the same year Cecil Rhodes was granted a Charter by Queen Victoria to govern this territory as under British control. Following on this was also a visit by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Arthur Creche-Jones who also reiterated what the Governor had asserted.

It was fully comprehended that the two territories of Barotseland and Northern Rhodesia were under separate British rule. In the general parlance of lay- people, the issue at hand is like a marriage which was never consummated and has now irretrievably broken down. At the outset, the husband to be the Zambian government to be and Kaunda had made all sorts of promises and commitments during courtship independence negotiations , which were never honoured after the marriage ceremony independence of Zambia.

From the beginning, the wife Barotseland was abused and ill-treated and the marriage was never legalised with a marriage certificate Barotseland Agreement of So after 48 years of maltreatment, when the wife has finally had enough and wants to go her own way and asks for a divorce, then the husband threatens her with all sorts of reprisals, when there was no marriage to speak of in the first place.

In other legal terms, this act can also be likened to a breach of contract. Secondly: why would Europeans have taken an African such as Lewanika seriously a hundred and twenty years ago, when, even now, most Europeans do not take Africans seriously? I can state here that Lewanika was intelligent and shrewd enough to have struck a deal with Europeans who were not in the habit of doing business with Africans, during these times, apart from enslaving or subjugating them. He was able to secure a future for his nation and descendants in the best way he could, considering the prevailing circumstances at the time.

As a compromise, the Litunga and Kaunda agreed to a formal treaty to be signed by the British, Barotse and Northern Rhodesian governments Caplan, The history of post-colonial Zambia has been one of deception, as the country has continued to exist on lies and falsities, without one of its critical pillars - the Barotseland Agreement. What should have happened, if all things had been equal, was that two independent states, namely: Barotseland and Zambia should have come into being on 24 October They should have just gone it alone as an independent country: Barotseland.