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Coarse-ware jars - cylindrical, ovoid or barrel-shaped - mainly prevail in the corpus. Their lip is generally rounded and is, in a few cases, decorated with tool impressions. Frequent plastic ornaments are protruding horizontal strips and smooth cords, which may be single or multiple. Technical study of the pottery shows a quasi-systematic use of crystalline inclusions, mainly composed of crushed granitic stone in level 2 and crystalline sand in level 1, practices that seem clearly related to traditions found on the Swiss Plateau.
The body and neck are mainly built by coiling, using stretched coils with oblique alternating joins, as in the contemporary pottery of the Jura groups. The exterior surface of many bowls is treated by burnishing or by polishing which has left no traces. Finally, burnt residues are numerous and attest to the culinary use of most of the large pots. Morphological comparisons show northern influences from the Swiss Plateau in the two lower levels.
Influences from the Treilles group Causses region can also be detected, while relations with Jura groups Clairvaux and Chalain seem more tenuous. Level 2sup points to a limited impact of the first Auvernier-Corded Ware phase, while a vessel with a reduced opening recalls some Italian influence. Pottery from level 1 no longer participates in the evolution of the Auvernier-Corded Ware, but rather shows links with ceramics from the upper levels of Charavines, and points to the development of a local group in a more southern tradition.
These hypotheses are quite compatible with the chronological steps indicated by the Bayesian model. The series from Conjux 3 are compared with small unpublished ceramic sets from the pile-dwelling settlements of the Bourget and Annecy lakes. Technically, a clear division can be observed between sets from the north of the lake, characterized by dominant crystalline inclusions, and Les Bourres, on the southern shore, with carbonated inclusions mainly composed of crushed calcite.
Other indications towards stronger southern influences can be seen in the morphology of the ceramics from the southern shore of Lake Bourget. The use of crushed calcite, already known around the 30th century at Angon Talloires, Haute-Savoie , is dated to between the 26th century and the first half of the 24th century at Les Bourres Tresserve, Savoie. This practice, of southern origin, seems to cover a fairly wide area between the Rhone and the inner Alpine valleys in the course of the second third of the third millennium.
The Final Neolithic phase at Conjux 3 points to the gradual fading of northern influences during the first half of the third millennium, to the north of Lake Bourget. The apparent reluctance to call on ornaments, whether of southern, Jura, or northern origin, and the use of crystalline inclusions are characteristics shared by Conjux 3 and Les Baigneurs, Charavines. Other stylistic similarities can be observed in pottery from these two sites, but the present state of studies of the collections does not allow an exact definition of their relations.
Even if they do not allow this question to be brought to a close, the assemblages from Conjux 3 provide a welcome geographical marker to help in understanding relations with the Swiss Plateau during the first third of the third millennium, and emphasize a northern filiation concerning the use of crystalline inclusions frequently found at Charavines. Since the year we have been undertaking a research programme into prehistoric mining and metallurgy. It focuses on the contextual and archaeometric characterisation composition and lead isotope analyses of the Priorat mining and metallurgy basins Tarragona province, Spain : the Molar-Bellmunt-Falset basin to the south and the Montsant basin to the north.
In recent years our research has focused on the latter zone, which has a high density of metal mineral resources copper and lead. Our work to date has followed three parallel and interconnected lines of research: a geomineral surveys and the analytical characterisation of more than a dozen mines in the area; b archaeometric analyses and the study and reinterpretation of archaeological data from earlier field research; and c the localisation and excavation of a previously unstudied prehistoric copper mine, La Turquesa or Mas de les Moreres Cornudella de Montsant.
Both sites were discovered just before the middle of the last century, but only very generalist studies have been made of them to date. None of these studies has emphasised the importance of the documented archaeological evidence of prehistoric mining and metallurgy in the north-east of the Iberian Peninsula. In methodological terms, this study takes into account the archaeological, historical and archaeometric aspects, thus placing the sites in their correct regional context.
The mining tools found at La Solana del Bepo are unique in the whole north-east: the assemblage of finds from the survey consists of 81 macrolithic artefacts, mainly highly intensively manufactured picks, most of which have fittings for handles. The main aspects revealed by the traceological study and analysis of the tools are the use of local rock types, the continuous reuse of tools, even after they were broken, and the presence of copper residue on some percussion surfaces.
On the other hand, the isotopic characterisation of the Montsant basin mines, of which Solana del Bepo is one, and its comparison with the isotopic analyses of finds from the area, prove that mining activities were carried out there during prehistory. The evidence for metallurgy consists of a smelting vessel, pieces of copper-bearing mineral, various bronze smelting remains, a copper awl and a rolled bronze plate bead.
However, in this case the bead is made of local lead. Other finds, for example the evidence of bronze, indicate that the shelter was also used during the Early and Middle Bronze Age. If we look at our study zone in the context of the north-eastern Iberian Peninsula, there can be no doubt that both in relative and absolute terms it is the area with the largest amount of evidence of prehistoric mining and metallurgy. It is in the Late Chalcolithic ca. With the current state of art, we are unable to specify between that period and the Early and Middle Bronze Age cal.
We can highlight the find of eight smelting vessels, one of which appears to have been used for smelting mineral ore from the Montsant basin. BC, was made of copper mineral from Montsant and confirms mining in that area between the Early and Middle Bronze Age. On the other hand, the recent discovery of a previously unknown prehistoric mine in the Montsant basin, La Turquesa or Mas de les Moreres, which is still being studied, has given us another unique set of mining tools almost 75 implements , together with analytical data, both compositional and isotopic, with which we can improve our characterisation of mining in the north-eastern Iberian Peninsula.
Keywords: mine, mining macrolithic picks, isotopes, metallurgy, Late Chalcolitic, Bronze Age, copper, bronze, burial cave, isotopes. BC i el bronze inicial cal. Gerloff Gerloff, , p. This preliminary article proposes to present both fragments of cauldrons which were found there. In view of the small number of this kind of artefacts found on the French territory, the discovery of two well-preserved fragments, deposited within the same hoard, is thus an exceptional find. Both fragments are handle attachments. This find is also completely original in the sense that it is the first time that two handle attachments belonging to two cauldrons of different typological groups have been found within the same hoard in Atlantic Europe.
The presence of several complete cauldrons in the British Isles favoured a typological classification based primarily on the characteristics of complete cauldrons. It is mainly based on the number of sheets, their tiers and the general shape of the body and rim Leeds, ; Gerloff, and Thus, in theory, the attribution to a type or class can only be made in the case of an archaeologically complete cauldron. However, in every group or type, some recurrences were observed concerning the systems for attaching handles.
In the specific case of handle attachments, we can therefore propose an exact typological attribution in spite of the fragmentary state of these remains, as is generally the case in studies about this subject. In view of the morphological and stylistic characteristics as well as the technological solutions chosen for the conception of the first fragment of cauldron from this hoard, we identify it as being a handle attachment of a cauldron belonging to Class B0 and the Cloonta type, according to S.
The Cloonta type was previously identified and defined only by two complete Irish cauldrons. Nevertheless, several fragments of cauldrons discovered in France and the Iberian Peninsula had already been connected hypothetically to Class B0 Gerloff, , p. However, these remains were far too fragmentary and lacked sufficient specificity to be given a precise typological attribution with any certainty. In addition, while the presence in France of cauldrons belonging to Class B had already been proposed in the past Hawkes, ; Briard ; Coffyn, , recent observation of these remains had later invalidated these attributions Gerloff, , p.
It is thus the first time that the Cloonta type can be attested with such certainty in France and that a fragment of cauldron handle corresponding to it has been discovered outside Ireland. From an interpretative point of view, this find could seem completely marginal, if a fragment of a Cloonta-type cauldron had not recently been identified within another hoard in north-western France.
This article will thus provide an opportunity to rediscover part of the important hoard found at Le Jardin des Plantes Nantes, Loire-Atlantique. Since its discovery, this item has been considered as a piece of metallic waste but it can now be clearly identified and connected with a Cloonta-type cauldron.
As the complete Cloonta-type cauldrons do not benefit from reliable chronological contexts, their dating was based on the fact that several fragments of cauldrons discovered in France and the Iberian Peninsula potentially belonged to the B0 group. The discovery of the hoard at La Chapelle des Roches as well as the review of the fragment from the Jardin des plantes hoard thus provides, for the first time, a means of confirming this hypothesis. The type of handle attachments most similar to the second fragment of the hoard from La Chapelle des Roches, from the point of view of both its dimensions and general morphology, is the one that we find most often on cauldrons of the Portglenone type class A2.
This find allows the distribution area of this type in France to be completed and the hypothesis of its contemporaneity with the Cloonta type to be confirmed. However, although the general aspect of the arch, with rounded ribs, corresponds very closely to the Portglenone type, the configuration of this piece is unique. There are four rounded ribs instead of three and the body seems to have similar features with some class B1 cauldrons.
Moreover, concerning the handle attachments, class A2 is not clearly homogeneous. We therefore propose the hypothesis that these cauldrons could possibly, by certain aspects, represent an intermediate stage between class A2 and class B1. Finally, the usual interactions observed between the material cultures of north-western France and those of the other Atlantic regions have so far only rarely been reflected in the distribution maps of Late Bronze Age cauldrons. This study will thus enable us to supplement the scant presence of Late Bronze Age cauldrons in France and to extend the distribution map of this kind of artefact.
Also, far from invalidating previous proposals regarding connections between some fragments from the Iberian Peninsula and the Irish Cloonta-type cauldrons, the discovery at La Chapelle des Roches allows this link to be strengthened, in particular thanks to some morphological details. This article thus adds a little more support to the hypothesis that the Irish Cloonta-type cauldrons, very atypical morphologically with regard to other cauldrons in the British Isles, may possibly be imports or copies pointing to continental influences.
Within the framework of these reflections, we may wonder why a very clear difference exists in the types of scraps, as far as cauldrons are concerned. Indeed, although it is recognized that complete specimens of cauldrons are mainly discovered in the British Isles, we note that, concerning the fragmented specimens, it is handle attachments that dominate very widely in France, whereas in the Iberian Peninsula it is fragments of metal sheets. We can also add the specific case of cauldron handles found mainly on the Breton south coast. Finally, this study underlines, if need be, the differences which can be observed from one region to another between the composition of hoards and the treatment of the objects.
However, the paths followed immediately diverged, and, forty to fifty years later, the gap has not been bridged. Mutual ignorance or incomprehension remain predominant. The present essay was undertaken to try to understand what appears to be a rather unique situation, since scientific exchanges are common in many other domains of prehistoric research. In France and in North America, technological approaches were essentially developed to address the question of the variability of lithic assemblages.
The factors of variability thus brought to light, such as mobility patterns or time stress, were transcultural and always related to environmental conditions, whether directly or indirectly. In the meantime, French scholars, before trying to explain lithic variability, were developing analytical tools able to bring to light the whole range of this variability, from the conception to the production of the tools, going beyond the static typological categories used thus far.
At the same time, new and long-lasting concepts were explored on both side of the Atlantic: knowledge and know-how, transmission and apprenticeship, individual variability. But cross-references would be short lived: developed in answer to different questions, these concepts were investigated differently and applied to different scientific perspectives. These French approaches, despite their widespread applications, do not refer to specific theories and were never given a theoretical name.
This may be one of the reasons why they were not adopted in the States.
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These last two approaches are certainly closer to French sensibility and scientific questioning, but they retain from earlier developments of Anglo-Saxon technological approaches the will to validate the interpretations through quantitative models and continue to give important weight to the notion of optimisation, totally foreign to French interpretative frameworks.
This leads us to insist, in conclusion, on two points. However, behind these terminological issues, the divorce rests even more on methods and aims. In North America, the elaboration of interpretative models always seeks, in fine, to bring to light transcultural and transchronological regularities, validated, if possible, on formal or quantitative models.
In France, to the contrary, research on technical variability has been mostly tuned to demonstrating the singularity of each pre historic regional development. In addition, the hierarchization of the different parameters under study, based on a qualitative evaluation, impeded any global statistical treatment, however complex.
In a high-altitude area below a series of abandoned terraces, several dwellings and burial structures were located, all of them with chronologies ranging between the Early and the Middle Neolithic from the mid 5th millennium to the early 4th millennium cal. The distinctiveness of this site does not only lie in its geographical location, nor in the kind of structures discovered, but also in the very good state of preservation of the human bone material recovered from the burials, making Feixa del Moro one of the reference sites for the Neolithic in the Pyrenees and, in general, the Western Mediterranean.
So far, sites with a similar conservation of both bones and burial structures are really uncommon.
Moreover, the concentration in so small an area, and in the same stratigraphic unit, of such a diversity of evidence, including burials, silos and hearths, is yet more unusual. There are no similar sites in Andorra, or even in the entire Pyrenees. The only other burial site of comparable chronology discovered in the area is the Segudet site, and only a few high-altitude Neolithic dwelling sites are known. Even if cist burials are quite common in the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula and in Southern France, Feixa del Moro is the first that has been found at high altitude. At the same time, several analyses of the archaeological materials were already carried out, making Feixa del Moro a reference site for archaeological research even now.
Nevertheless, three decades later, new methodologies and the technical advances available are allowing archaeologists to refine old interpretations, to reopen old debates and to carry out new analyses that can improve our understanding of the past. Following this perspective, in this paper, we present the outcome of the new analyses carried out on the burial goods and of the biochemistry and radiocarbon analyses carried out on the human bone material from the three cist burials of Feixa del Moro, with the aim of better understanding the early farming communities who settled in the Pyrenees.
Since the last archaeological work carried out in the s, large quantities of data have been lost. This has produced a certain degree of confusion and misunderstanding that has been repeated in other studies undertaken a posteriori on the site by other scholars. Some of these interpretations need to be revised. That it is why, within the current research project, we are not only bringing in new analyses, but also re-examining all the old written and graphic information available, as well as the state of the conserved archaeological material. The data presented in this paper resume all the available information on the Feixa del Moro site, correcting old mistakes and bias, updating the s archaeological registers and presenting new analyses as well.
Our aim is to ensure that Feixa del Moro remains a reference site for the Pyrenean and Western Mediterranean Neolithic. At the same time, we wish to encourage other researchers to undertake new analyses and to embrace new perspectives in order to improve our understanding of Neolithic societies. Constantin et W. Abstract: The site of Conty is located at the bottom of the small side valley of the Selle, a tributary of the River Somme.
An area of 2, m2 has revealed domestic structures, some of which are rich in various kinds of artefacts. The technological and typological characteristics of the pottery can be clearly assigned to the recent phase of the Cerny culture. Despite a limited number of vessels, it constitutes a reference set for all of the north-western part of the Paris basin. Comparisons with the closest assemblages from the Oise valley highlight differences that can be interpreted as cultural markers.
The hypothesis proposed by C. Constantin and W. Kuijper of a technical transfer from the south-western to the north-western part of the Paris basin, passing through the Somme basin and avoiding the middle Oise valley, seems to be confirmed. The main typological and technological characteristics of the flint industry fit the lithic assemblages of the Paris basin perfectly. However, the existence of a blade production, using indirect percussion, which can be compared with the industry of the Juvincourt-et-Damary site in the Aisne valley and the sites of the Basse-Normandie region, represents an individual characteristic of the Conty site.
The faunal remains indicate a low level of exploitation of caprines, higher rates of pigs, but no refocusing of pastoral activity on cattle. This study confirms the great variability between different sites and the difficulty of proposing interpretations of traditions in the exploitation of a specific resource at a cultural level. According to the results of the study of the faunal remains from Conty, the hypothesis of an increase in hunting between the Early and Middle Neolithic is again challenged.
Through the processing of antlers and the manufacturing of bone tools points on metapodials of small ruminants , the bone and antler tool assemblages from Conty are well integrated in the contemporaneous series of the Paris basin. The domestic structures are essentially pits, but the excavations revealed what are probably two circular houses. Comparisons can be found more in the upstream portion of the Seine valley and the Yonne valley where this kind of building appears at the beginning of the Cerny culture and distinguishes this geographical area from the north-eastern and more western part of the Paris basin where rectangular buildings are more common.
The Somme valley and its tributaries thus seem to be subject to mixed influences from the south architecture , the west ceramic technology and embossed dots decoration and the east flint industry tradition. Briard mais combattue par C. Abstract: Since the pioneering work of P. Du Chatellier a et b , it has generally been recognised that there is a form of art in the Early Bronze Age of Brittany, exemplified by a few stone slabs with cup-marks and other simple motifs.
After the Second World War, rescue archaeology provided new data and enabled J. In a study undertaken on a larger scale, C. Burgess deduced that the slabs with cup-marks in Early Bronze Age graves were all cases of re-use from earlier periods. In order to obtain a clearer picture, we decided to take a fresh look and reassess the question without any preconceived ideas, limiting our geographical scope to Brittany. First of all, we listed all decorated slabs found in Bronze Age contexts, as well as integrating possible and probable contexts. The corpus is quite small because only thirteen sites have yielded decorated stones in secure Beaker or Early Bronze Age contexts, to which we can add eleven more doubtful sites fig.
These decorated slabs include: large slabs with cup-marks only fig. Four slabs are distinguished by perforations fig. The decorated slabs show a variety of re-employment contexts: slabs reused as capstones, walls or surrounds, rubble stones reused in cairns, walls or paving. The decorated surfaces are generally turned to the outside but can also be hidden in the inside of the tombs. Some are placed with burials under barrows and are thus removed from the eyes of the living. The decorated stones can be used unmodified, broken or reworked with grooves or perforations. Longitudinal and transversal grooves were certainly made by the Early Bronze Age people in order to join the sides of the grave and make it airtight; this kind of cist is well known for this period in Brittany Briard, The nature of the perforations is still puzzling but one might suggest that it was a symbolic hole enabling the soul of the deceased to come and go Chatellier, ; Eliade, In order to assess the originality of decorated slabs found in Early Bronze Age contexts, we have undertaken as comprehensive as possible an inventory of stones with cup-marks in Neolithic megalithic graves in Brittany.
Some of these stones are clearly in a re-employment position, as the cup-marks are located on the hidden sides of these megalithic structures. Thus, when cup-marks are associated with classical figures of megalithic art, there is no certainty that all these decorations are contemporaneous. In some other cases, cup-marks form an integral part of certain recurrent depictions, such as the crest motif fig. More rarely, they are associated with single circles or circles with rays fig. Through the Neolithic period, there is little evidence for a specific style in cup-marking, except for a few anecdotal patterns such as a square and circle depicted by cup-marks or a panel of narrowed cup-marks, which most likely date from the Middle Neolithic 2.
On the contrary, slabs with cup-marks dating from the Middle Neolithic 1 and the Late Neolithic show less originality in cup-mark patterns. This also applies to Early Bronze Age decorated stones. Only the foot-shaped mark from the Saint-Ouarno slab fig. As regards the pair of pointed cup-marks, a similar pattern is attested as a single element in Neolithic graves. Comparison with the Neolithic corpus of slabs with cup-marks does not enable us to identify types or patterns of cup-marks specific to the Early Bronze Age.
It is thus difficult to defend the idea of a development of cup-mark art at this time in Brittany. This is also confirmed by the large numbers of slabs with cup-marks from Neolithic funerary contexts , compared with the rare discoveries from Early Bronze Age graves 11 to Many of these decorated stones reused in Early Bronze Age burials could come from outcrops with cup-marks fig. Nevertheless, a group of four slabs with cup-marks is distinguished by perforations, previously unknown for Neolithic rock art, and by the interlinked representations of cup-marks and geometrical shapes, in contrast to Neolithic motifs that are usually juxtaposed.
We suggest that this small group can be attributed to the Early Bronze Age or even to the Final Neolithic. Furthermore, the small slabs, such as the six found in the Beg ar Loued settlement or the Cruguel barrow example fig. Alsace qu? Le substrat n? Peu d? Enfin, si l? Alsace et de documenter leurs modes de vie. Abstract: The site of Mutzig, discovered by chance in Sainty et al. Located in Alsace Bas-Rhin, France , it is at present one of the very few reliable sites attributable to the regional Middle Palaeolithic, thus providing rare evidence for a zone still relatively unknown for early prehistoric times.
The excellent preservation of the remains and the deep stratigraphic sequence make the site a potential reference site for environmental and behavioural analyses regarding the Middle Palaeolithic in this region. However, as studies are still largely in progress, this paper presents a summary of the preliminary results obtained.
The occupations are located where the Bruche Valley opens out, at the foot of the Felsbourg Cliff which is oriented directly southwards and contains many natural rockshelters. Highly attractive due to its unobstructed view of the Alsace Plain, this topographic location was quite likely selected for repeated human occupations, perhaps relatively close in time.
The entire sequence is attributed to the Middle Palaeolithic. While the upper levels Layers 1? The older layers 8, 9 and 10, observed only in test excavations, contain occupations on a ledge protected by the rockshelter overhang. It is not currently possible to determine whether these took place during an earlier phase of the rockshelter with a larger porch or at the cliff base.
As bedrock has not yet been reached, it is quite possible that the sequence is even longer. The different occupations reflect the same relatively cold steppe-like environmental context, with reindeer, woolly mammoth, steppe horse, steppe bison and woolly rhinoceros being identified. The small mammals also indicate a cold climate, but not of the Pleniglacial type. Isotope analyses of oxygen and carbon in horse and mammoth teeth also indicate temperatures colder than today and an open environment. The archaeological material is abundant in each of the different layers, altogether forming an inventory of more than faunal remains and over lithic artefacts.
The lithic industry is fairly uniform throughout the sequence. Knappers used different local raw material types, mainly sedimentary and volcanic rocks, either found in the primary outcrops up to 15 km away or most commonly in the alluvial deposits of the Bruche a few hundred metres from the site. Exploitation techniques are relatively simple, using natural convexities, indicating a significant selection phase for raw blocks.
Most of the cores and flakes show flat core management, i.
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Flexibility in techniques can be observed, resulting in different kinds of production, permitted by mastery of core reduction management. In some cases, when the initial block morphology is not suitable, core preparation took place, sometimes Levallois in method. Few retouched tools have been found, but the many retouch flakes recovered testify to the circulation and use of such tools.
From a techno-typological point of view, the industry differs from contemporaneous industries on the other side of the Vosges and the Rhine. At least four archaeological levels layers 5, 7A, 7C1 and 7D contain burnt elements and one level layer 7C1 a combustion structure. The site of Mutzig seems to be linked to major hunting activities since the fauna are not only abundant, but also frequently show anthropic traces striae and intentional fractures. This is even more striking since all anatomical elements appear to have been transported to the camp, including cranial elements, ribs and vertebrae.
The use of these parts and the procurement strategy for these very large herbivores remain to be explained. The absence of carnivore marks on the bones of large fauna should be noted. Rapid carcass processing is also demonstrated, perhaps associated with combustion zones. Finally, although the sequence is fairly uniform, slight differences can be perceived. While mammoth dominates the faunal spectrum in layer 7A, it is under-represented in layer 7C1 where reindeer is higher, and nearly absent in layer 7C2. The hypothesis of a more rigorous climate in layer 7C1 can be proposed, based in part on the preliminary small mammals database, but especially by the near absence of charcoal in the combustion structure, which contains mostly burnt bone.
This contrasts sharply with other combustion structures in which charcoal is common, perhaps reflecting less dense forest cover for layer 7C1. Continuing excavation and analyses specific to each discipline and their comparison should ultimately enable clarification of the environment and Neanderthal ways of life in Alsace. Keywords: Middle Paleolithic, Alsace, rockshelters, Early Weichselian Glacial, lithic industry, large mammals, microfauna.
Das Felsdach selbst erfuhr mehrmalige Einsturzphasen. Das Gros der verwendeten Rohmaterialien sind lokal vorkommenden Sedimentgesteine und Gesteine vulkanischen Ursprungs, die meist aus Schottern der nahe gelegenen Bruche gesammelt wurden. Aus techno-typologischer Sicht unterscheidet sich das Inventar von Mutzig von gleichzeitigen Industrien jenseits der Vogesen und des Rheins. Hinweis auf Feuerstellen gibt verbranntes Material in mindestens vier Fundschichten 5, 7A, 7C1 und 7D und eine eindeutige Feuerstelle konnte bisher in Schicht 7C1 identifiziert werden.
Dies zeigt, dass Jagdbeute zerlegt und weiterverarbeitet worden ist. Die Frage nach der Nutzung des Mammuts und des Transports solch grosser Tiere an den Siedlungsplatz muss zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt offen bleiben,. Am seltensten finden sich Mammutreste in Schicht 7C2. Il serait donc logique de donner davantage d? Bradley Bradley, Abstract: This paper follows up our previous contribution on the? Three types of removal position shifts A: alternate, B: bifacial, O: opposite can be used for reducing the four sides of a bifacial piece. By comparing the results of chronological analysis of removal groups of the pieces with the procedure aspects of this diagram, we were able to discern that the Volgu?
The digital reduction sequence consisting of this regularized working procedures recognized especially on central ridges , certainly hold a main role in achieving symmetry both in outline and in section of Volgu pieces, a role enabled by the support of the analog reduction sequence including all phases of reduction observed generally on edges such as visible or hidden normal removals, provisional or complementary removals and even platform preparations.
We hope the proposed concepts and diagrams concerning working procedures and removal stages will serve to promote comparative studies among the results of analysis of finished objects, researches into refitted pieces and experimental replications. Keywords: Solutrean, Volgu,? Passemard a poursuivi jusqu? Laplace et I.
Garate reprend l? Les travaux ont inclus la prospection du pilier, l? Passemard ne permettent pas d? The Isturitz cave is one of the caves in the hill of Gaztelu communes of Isturitz and Saint-Martin-d? Arberoue , and a major site for European prehistory. Archaeological research is concentrated in the caves of Isturitz, Oxocelhaya-Hariztoya and Erberua.
During the last few years, research has been reactivated in this transit area. Given the geographic situation of Isturitz, good knowledge of the engravings from the Grande Salle is necessary to understand its role is this significant area. The rock art of Isturitz cave was discovered in , in the early excavations by E.
Passemard, and research was extended until That work uncovered a stalagmite pillar in the central area of the Grande Salle, where several animal figures were identified but not published in detail. A much later revision, written by I. Laplace in ? In , a new research team headed by D. Garate resumed study of the parietal art in the cavity, including a review of this engraved pillar which is now at a certain height from the ground due to the tunnel giving access to the lower level Oxocelhaya , excavated in For this reason, in we installed scaffolding that allowed us direct access to the engravings and the possibility of developing the study in appropriate conditions.
The work included prospecting the pillar, identifying the figures, technical and formal analysis, restitution through drawings and other graphic documentation photography, photogrammetry and laser scanner. The results of the study show that the decorated pillar is composed of a fairly significant number of figures that correspond roughly to those identified with very little accuracy by E. Passemard around twenty animals and, in any case, many more than the half dozen published by I.
Barandiaran and G. More specifically, 18 engraved and sculpted figures have been recognized including two reindeer an adult and a young one , two deer without heads , two bovidae, two birds one doubtful , a horse, a glutton, a fish, a sign a compartmentalized rectangle , three indeterminate animals and three groups of lines. From a technological point of view, the left area of the panel is also much more elaborate, using different levels in the rock to highlight the volume of the figures.
This part it is also the best preserved, allowing a more detailed analysis of the grooves. The rest of the engraved figures appear unfinished or, at least, were carried out with a lesser degree of detail.
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Concerning the chronological information, the stratigraphic data from the E. Passemard excavations does not enable a relationship to be established between the?